Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 351

Chapter 351: Chapter 38, The Disappearance of the Premonition, Change of Mindset

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Caught by surprise, the Russians soon began to pay the price for their actions, as the Polish independence movement erupted more fiercely than it ever had before in history.

The United Kingdom and France increased their financial aid to the Independence Organization, and after the outbreak of the uprising, the organization quickly mustered an army that began to sweep across all fronts.

Franz, who had been a mere spectator, soon received a protest from the Tsarist Government.

Incredulity was evident in Franz’s voice as he asked, “Prime Minister, are you sure the contents of this protest are true?”

It was no wonder that Franz was shocked; this time, there were actually four hundred volunteers from Austria participating in the Polish uprising, most of whom were retired officers from Austro-Poland.

Beneath the Vienna Government’s very nose, the Polish independence movement had managed to raise such an armed force, and something must have been amiss.

It was one thing to trip the Russians in secret, but to have so many volunteers coming forth openly was like blatantly telling the outside world that Austria supported the Polish independence movement.

Hadn’t the Russian-Austrian Alliance dissolved yet? Stabbing the Tsarist Government in the back like this, even on moral grounds, was indefensible!

Prime Minister Felix answered awkwardly, “Your Majesty, indeed, a significant number of Polish in the Galicia Region do support the uprising. There are not only four hundred but actually eight hundred people who have participated, and that number is still increasing if nothing goes wrong. We miscalculated earlier and didn’t anticipate that so many would join the uprising, so no measures were taken.”

Franz rubbed his forehead, at a loss for words. After the outbreak of the Polish independence movement, Polish people from all over the world participated.

With several million Polish residing within Austria, it was inevitable that some volunteers would emerge, but the numbers were excessively high.

“Could someone be framing us?” Franz asked uncertainly.

He had grave suspicions that this was a scheme by England and France, intended to stir up Russian-Austrian relations and dismantle the Russian-Austrian Alliance.

Prime Minister Felix replied, “Your Majesty, please rest assured. We have already investigated, and these individuals are indeed volunteers who have joined the uprising of their own accord.

Many of them were originally residents of the Russian Poland region who could no longer tolerate Russian rule and thus migrated to Galicia.

Now they have returned to participate in the uprising, mostly driven by vengeance. We have taken action and will prevent this from happening again henceforth.”

Faced with this outcome, Franz could only conclude that the Russians had gone too far. Being able to stir such vengeful determination among those who had been forced to flee from their own land left him little else to do.

Of course, there must have been someone within the Vienna Government who had facilitated their journey, or else it would have been impossible for so many to have entered Poland with such ease.

After some thought, Franz said, “Let the Foreign Ministry handle the Russians slowly and, by the way, issue an official diplomatic statement declaring that the Russian Poland issue is an internal affair of the Russian Empire and other nations should not interfere.”

What’s done is done; the only recourse was to manage the aftermath. Now that England and France had publicly supported the Polish Independence Organization and other European nations were following suit, the Tsarist Government still needed Austria’s support.

After such an incident, Franz didn’t expect any benefit. First, make the stance clear, and whether the Russians believed it or not would be left to fate.

While the event was enough to cause a rift in the relations between the two countries, it was not yet sufficient to shatter the Russian-Austrian Alliance. As long as the Alliance remained, the relationship could be gradually repaired later on.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg responded, “Your Majesty, the Russians will soon be too preoccupied with their own troubles. According to the reports we received from St. Petersburg, the Polish Revolutionary Army has already exceeded one hundred thousand men.

The Polish Independence Organization had planned this in advance. After the initiation of the uprising, with both inner and outer forces collaborating, the Russian Army, which deployed more than one hundred thousand troops in the Polish Region, has been severely beaten and scattered by the Polish Revolutionary Army.

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Many units had not even had time to react before they were captured, and numerous soldiers ended up joining the Polish independence movement, seemingly allying with Russian revolutionaries and the Polish.

According to the information we’ve gathered, the rebel army isn’t a mere mob; their leadership must have received some short-term military training.

Since the outbreak of the uprising in Poland, at least five thousand volunteers from around the world have joined, most of whom had undergone military training and became officers in the revolutionary army.

The Foreign Ministry suspects that someone has been providing military training to the Polish Independence Organization, as these volunteers are likely to have been pre-trained and swiftly entered Poland upon the outbreak, leading the uprising.”

Franz’s face changed drastically, fearing that this might be the truth of the matter. Even Austria, notorious for its underhanded tactics, managed to drum up hundreds of volunteers. Countries like England and France, which act more overtly, would only commit more excessive acts.

Was it difficult to train personnel for the Polish Independence Organization?

For the big hooligans, it was too easy. They could recruit a bunch of anti-Russian Poles, give them simple training, send them to the colonies to fight a few battles, and those who survived would be competent soldiers.

If Russian revolutionary organizations were involved as well, then the situation would become even more complex, meaning that the rebellion might not be confined to Poland, but could potentially spread throughout the vast territories of the Russian Empire.

The reforming Russian Empire was undoubtedly at a crossroads. Now was the most susceptible time for issues to arise, as there were too many people dissatisfied with the Tsarist Government’s reforms.

The radicals believed the Tsarist Government’s reforms weren’t thorough enough, while the conservatives felt that the reforms harmed their interests. Once these dissatisfied people were incited, who knew what actions they might take?

It should be known that ever since the reforms of Alexander II, the Russian Empire had never been peaceful. Newly freed serfs sighed over the enormous sums required for land redemption.

The land redemption in Russia, unlike that of Austria, was far from harmonious. These redemptions had to be paid with interest, which was quite different from the standardized payments stipulated by Franz.

In Austria, land redemption payments were generally based on the output income of the land over 5 to 10 years, with the government collecting and then transferring the payments to the landowners.

The peasants could stretch their payments over a maximum of forty years without incurring interest. The annual redemption payments required were within an affordable range for many.

Due to the uniform distribution, the collection standard was twenty percent of the land’s actual annual yield. One could pay more or less as long as it was settled within the specified period.

Owing to the factors of rebellion, the government had confiscated a considerable amount of land, making the collection a profitable venture for the Vienna Government, which naturally allowed for some money to be allocated to alleviate the shortage of redemption payments in disaster years.

This was not feasible for the Tsarist Government. The landlords were all very much alive and well, and most of the land was held by the nobility. Before the reforms, the number of civilian estates in Russia was already less than twenty, and the independent peasants possessed only a small amount of land.

Under these circumstances, it was definitely not possible to reduce the price of land redemption. Uniform taxation and issuing without paying interest were out of the question.

If it hadn’t been for the great revolution, Franz would not have had the power to force the nobility to accept such harsh conditions. In truth, Austria’s land reforms were not thorough either.

Many nobles who were not involved or affected by the rebellion still owned large tracts of land, and the government could not force redemption unless they were willing.

The absence of social strife was mainly because the Vienna Government reduced the per capita land redeemed, ensuring that everyone could redeem land, albeit the location was uncertain.

It was only after the expansion in the Balkan Peninsula and the establishment of overseas colonies that the previously tense land supply situation became more relaxed, solving the conflicts over land thoroughly.

The current slogan of the Colonial Department’s immigration campaign is, “Do you want your own farm? Go reclaim land in the colonies.

Do you want your own plantation? Go reclaim land in the colonies.

How much land you clear is how much land you can own.”

This was beyond the capabilities of the Tsarist Government. Although there was plenty of barren land available for cultivation within the country, this land had owners too.

The land that peasants obtained through redemption, on average, turned out to be even less than that of Austria proper. Of course, this is the result of including the Balkan Peninsula, where regions like Romania and Serbia contributed a fair amount of arable land.

Alexander II’s reforms only enabled 13% of the serfs to obtain sufficient land; 42% of the serfs, after paying the redemption money, could barely make ends meet; the rest could not sustain themselves with their land alone and had no choice but to seek work elsewhere.

This provided Russia with an ample labor force for the development of capitalism.

Historically, with the development of the capitalist economy, a portion of the rural population flooded into cities, and the previously tense land issue gradually began to resolve.

In the late 19th century, the Russian Empire grew strong once again thanks to Alexander II’s reforms.

Unfortunately, at present, Russia’s capitalist economy has just started and lacks the capacity to absorb too many people.

The social dividends brought by the reforms had yet to take effect, but the social conflicts engendered by the reforms had already begun to manifest.

“Keep a close eye on the direction of Russia’s situation, understand the forces invested by all parties, and prepare for intervention. We cannot allow Russia to undergo major changes,”

Franz made a decisive decision, letting the Russians take some losses was acceptable, but bringing down the Russian Empire was out of the question!

Unless Russia could be dismembered to permanently resolve the threat, it was still better to preserve the Tsarist Government.

After all, Tsarist-ruled Russia posed a limited threat to Austria, as there were too many people within dragging their feet, and even the brilliant Alexander II could not change this issue.

If the rules were broken, it would be different. Franz could use the opportunity of civil unrest to cleanse Hungary and integrate Austria, but who could guarantee that Russia wouldn’t produce a strong figure capable of a turnaround?

At least Alexander II had the capability. He couldn’t completely solve the problem with reforms within the bounds of rules.

But once order was disrupted, things would be different. The greatest legacy left to him by Nicholas I was an army loyal to the Tsar.

As long as the army was taken care of, many problems were actually not problems. Overthrowing the table, the likelihood of Alexander II reclaiming lost ground was very high.

If it were another country, it might be possible for various nations to form Allied Forces to intervene, but Franz said he was afraid of the cold when it came to Russia.

If a reborn Russia emerged from the ashes, then Austria would not have to do anything but diligently serve as Europe’s gatekeeper, responsible for watching over Mao Xiong.

Prime Minister Felix opposed, “Your Majesty, we should not act rashly at this time. Although Alexander II’s reforms have harmed many interests, they have not crossed the Conservative’s bottom line.

As long as these people don’t act, Russia cannot be thrown into chaos. The Russian Army in Poland collapsed mainly because there were too many Polish soldiers in it.

To ensure the stability in the Polish Region, the Tsarist Government recently ordered conscription from the Russian Poland, intending to move these people away from the region, but the uprising occurred just as the plan began.

The Russian Army remains loyal to the Tsar, and the Revolutionary Party has yet to influence the military. A few rebellions can’t touch the foundations of the Tsarist Government.

As long as England and France do not intervene personally, the rebellion will be suppressed before long.”

After hearing the Prime Minister’s explanation, Franz breathed a sigh of relief. Being a part of the situation, he had overlooked that England and France would not act personally.

After losing the Near East war, the British became much more cautious on European issues, keeping themselves as detached as possible.

Not to mention the French, Napoleon III nearly lost his throne; asking him to meddle in Russian affairs again was out of the question.

The Kingdom of Prussia was outright ignored—despite how much it was glorified later, at present, the Berlin Government would tremble at the mere sneeze of the Russians.

Now, Austria’s best choice is to watch the play, not prepare to intervene. Any action by the Vienna Government could potentially send the wrong signal to the outside world, leading to an uncontrollable situation.

Franz thought for a moment and said, “The Prime Minister is right, I was too tense, now it’s better to remain still rather than to take action.

The Foreign Ministry should tell the Tsarist Government that we support their actions on the Polish issue, and leave the matter of the volunteers to England and France.

As for other things, they have nothing to do with us; we know nothing.”

Since we have chosen to respond with stillness, playing dumb is the way to go.

England and France can stand out and attract hatred because they are far enough away from the Russians, fearless of retaliation from the Tsarist Government.

If they can strike the Russians, that’s the best outcome; if not, they can still disgust them and use the Polish independence movement to delay the reform process of the Tsarist Government.

Is the situation really that simple? Up to today, the international situation has completely changed, and Franz’s foresight is no longer there.

After sorting out his thoughts, Franz quickly came to an understanding.

Austria is no longer the Austria of history; it has already accumulated enough advantages in the earlier stages. Even without the advantage of foresight, it still holds a favorable position in international competition.

Over-worrying about the changes in the Russian Empire is actually due to Franz’s lack of confidence. After all, the influence of his knowledge from a past life was so great that it made him overlook the changes in his own strength.

Compared to any competitor, Austria has advantages in one or more areas; as long as these strengths are utilized, that will be enough.

Firstly, in terms of population quality, Austria had a head start in initiating compulsory education and is now reaping its dividends.

Once the second industrial revolution begins, the advantage of moving first is already sealed. By the time the competitors react, Austria will have moved to the forefront.

It seems that Austria is not lagging behind now, closely following the steps of the British, and in some industries, it can even move to the front.

On the contrary, the Usury Empire has already started showing signs of straying off course. Insufficient domestic coal production capacity has increased the cost of many French industries, and capitalists are getting more and more fond of profiting from finance.

The immediate competitors, England and France, are constrained by their population numbers and domestic area, and their development ceiling is already locked in.

The constraints of domestic area and resources can be compensated with colonies, and as colonial empires, they are not lacking these resources. However, the deficiency in population is insurmountable.

No, the French have already started seeking ways to resolve this, which is to expand externally. Napoleon III has just swallowed up the Kingdom of Sardinia, making up for the domestic labor shortage.

The British truly have no way; surrounded by water, if they want to expand, they must move to the continent. Unfortunately, John Bull dares not, for as soon as he steps onto the European Continent, he would immediately be taught a lesson.

As for the mid-term competitor, the Russian Empire, it is still in its reform phase, lagging behind in industry by at least twenty years, a gap that cannot be bridged in a short time.

Even with cheats, it would take them more than a decade to catch up. In this era of rapid technological change, their opponents won’t wait for them to catch up.

As long as they remain under the rule of the Tsarist Government, this kind of boosted development is impossible; to ensure a normal level of development speed would already be a blessing from God.

The Americans, as a long-term competitor, having gone through this civil war turmoil, will likely have their development delayed by another twenty or thirty years. At the very least, they must complete national reunification again before they possess the capability to contend for world domination.

These advantages could only be regarded as superficial; the real advantage is that the competitors have not yet noticed their weaknesses nor taken measures to resolve these issues.